We will continue to be divided over caste and religion, because that's what suits in the race for power
The caste violence at Koregaon-Bhima and subsequent protests across the state have yet again underlined a bitter truth - we continue to be divided on caste and communal lines. Politicking over the incident, in the aftermath, is a strong sign that the caste lines won't be allowed to erase completely and religion will continue to be an easy force to split us, wide and open.
The flashpoint
Like they say, everybody loves a good drought, I'm compelled here to say 'everybody loves a good riot'. Drought-loving or riot-loving everybody doesn't include you, me or the families of a youth or a school-going kid, both of whom were killed in arson. Neither it is a Dalit, a Maratha or a Brahmin. It is them who design to derive a political advantage, build their political careers and up their stakes in a game of power hunt.
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If one says it all triggered in the last week of December, then s/he is wrong. Forces from all wings, the right, the left, left of the centre and right of the centre have been working meticulously over many months to get to a flashpoint. The seeds of caste politics are sown intermittently in Maharashtra, a good cultivator is what's needed; and in the past two years, we had too many of those, who worked with mala fide intentions. Some planned to topple the BJP government and others wanted to strengthen the main ruling party.
Loss, gain, a lot of pain
Violence in Koregaon-Bhima in particular needs to be seen at both the local and broader levels. When a neighbouring village, Vadhu Budruk, where locals fought over a grave of a Mahar warrior, who is said to have buried Chhatrapati Sambhaji when upper castes were not forthcoming, had buried their hatchet, its residents feel cheated, broken and devastated that their compromise, which could have been a solution to all prevailing problems between two dominant communities of the state, was dishonoured.
Politically speaking, Prakash Ambedkar seems to have gained much in the past week. He was strategic in calling for a bandh, and then withdrawing it with a warning that he alone should not be held responsible for any act of violence that takes place after his call for truce. The government gave him much importance, making other Republican Party factions, including ruling partner Ramdas Athavale, jittery. Prakash almost gave right wing a clean chit, prompting Athavale to seek the opposite view.
Athavale has reasons to feel alienated - portrayed a villain since he joined forces, first with the Shiv Sena and then with the BJP, which threw him a pie in power. Athavale was once a darling of Sharad Pawar, shared power with then governments, and assured himself Lok Sabha seats. His flip-flops get him both bouquets and brickbats.
Overall, the RPI in Maharashtra is divided into small, medium and large ponds. Only Prakash Ambedkar has made a deliberate effort to reach out to other oppressed communities through his extended RPI, Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, but his influence has remained limited.
It is this disintegrated Dalit force that helps leaders from other states, like Jignesh Mevani, to create ripples in the awakened minds of Dalits here. But history says no imported leader has been able to make a long-lasting impression. Dalits in Maharashtra failed late Kashiram and depressed his protégé Mayawati, who dreamt of unprecedented upsurge of bahujan sentiments. Undercurrent in Dalit movement reaffirms that Mevani would be no different.
The neutral people have lost space because they don't raise their voice at the right time. They speak up when the damage is done. Riots and arson don't see caste and religion. Subsequently, a government in power orders probe, negotiates with stakeholders and goes on to do a balancing act, keeping in mind what political points it may earn from the act of salvaging. Parties in Opposition too shift their focus to cornering the government. Actions get louder and clearer if polls are nearing.
The judicial commission of a sitting HC judge should start functioning once it gets constituted, and then, get all the infrastructure needed. Going by past experiences, the inquiry should be a prolonged procedure because the commission will physically inspect several places and hear out hundreds of people.
Who did it? Why did they do it? The residents of Vadhu Budruk, Koregaon-Bhima and many other places in Pune may not know the answer in its entirety. Still, their deposition before the judicial commission without any fear or favour should help significantly in nailing criminal minds.
If I may dare say so, will the honourable commission try to map the minds of common people from all castes and communities named in violence? This may not be a term of reference that the government gets defined for the commission to probe, but I think a finding to this effect will give answers to many questions, prominent among them: Do we all really want it or only a few selfish among us get it done?
Dharmendra Jore is political editor, mid-day. He tweets @dharmendrajore. Send your feedback to mailbag@mid-day.com
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