Manoj Jarange, in constant protest mode over Maratha reservation, seems to have flipped the script on caste this time — gunning for CM Devendra Fadnavis and making it a Hindu vs injustice issue
CM Devendra Fadnavis’s own allies have not come out in his support; (right) In the last two years, Manoj Jarange has called for many reservation protests. File pics
Politics is not always fair. In caste fights, what people think matters far more than rules. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is facing the same problem as he finds himself caught in the crossfire of caste-driven politics.
Twelve years ago, the NCP-Congress government led by Prithviraj Chavan gave Marathas 16 per cent reservation in jobs and education. But, within a few days, it was cancelled by the high court. Later, Fadnavis allowed the reservation, and the high court said it could continue. However, during Uddhav Thackeray’s government, the Supreme Court rejected the reservation, saying Marathas cannot be called a backward community. Ever since, anger and frustration have grown among Marathas. The Maratha community is now angry again, and this time their anger is directed at Fadnavis.
Despite the three-party-led government in Maharashtra, the anger is more or less focused on Fadnavis. In fact, the attacks on Fadnavis are stronger than before. The language used against the tallest BJP leader in the state is harsh and offensive. What makes this more surprising is the difference in treatment. Fadnavis is being attacked, but his two deputies, Ajit Pawar (NCP) and Eknath Shinde (Shiv Sena) are being praised by Manoj Jarange, the Maratha leader leading the protest for Maratha reservation from the OBC quota.
The difference is not hard to miss. Pawar and Shinde belong to the Maratha community, while Fadnavis is Brahmin. In Maharashtra, where caste plays a big role in politics, this difference is very important.
In the last two years, Jarange has called for many protests over the Maratha reservation. But this time, two things are different. One: the sharp attack on Fadnavis, and second: the use of the Hindu identity in the protest.
The anger against Fadnavis is easy to understand because of several issues, including caste. But the Hindu angle makes it even more interesting. When Maratha activists was requested by the ruling regime to postpone the agitation owing to the biggest Hindu festival — Ganpati, Jarange’s question was ‘amhi Hindu nahi ka?’ (are we not Hindu?) has made the protest bigger than just a reservation. By doing this, Jarange is trying to show it as not just Marathas versus the government; the confrontation is being reframed as Hindus versus injustice.
The message is clear: the Maratha community is not just a caste group, but a decisive Hindu block. If their demands remained unfulfilled, it could upset the BJP’s arithmetic. In effect, Maratha activists spearheading the reservation protest have chosen to challenge Fadnavis on the one ground where the BJP usually feels strongest — the Hindu plank.
Equally puzzling is the silence of others in the ruling alliance. When Eknath was chief minister and Fadnavis his deputy, OBC strongman Chhagan Bhujbal openly took on Jarange. His intervention, though controversial, at least created a counter-narrative.
This time, Bhujbal has retreated into silence. Despite holding a senior ministerial position in the Mahayuti government, he has refrained from engaging Jarange or defending Fadnavis. His reasons remain known only to him, but the political consequences are that one of the most vocal OBC leaders has stayed away from shielding the government in its moment of crisis.
The pattern extends further. BJP’s ally in the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led NDA government, Ramdas Athawale of the RPI (A), a minister, has openly backed the Maratha agitation, albeit with a rider: only the deserving should get reservation.
Till late Thursday night, Eknath Shinde limited himself to a polite appeal to postpone the protest due to the Ganpati festival, but has avoided any serious intervention. Ajit Pawar, normally known for his straightforward views and speeches, has maintained complete silence.
Why are these leaders not coming out in support of Fadnavis? Why is the so-called “Chanakya” of Maharashtra politics being left to fight the battle alone? Their silence says a lot.
The reason may be simple vote maths. Marathas make up about 28 per cent of the state’s 12 crore-plus population. A 2024 report by the Maharashtra State Backward Classes Commission shows over 21 per cent of the Marathas live below the poverty line, which is significantly higher than the state average of 17.4 per cent.
In fact, till the late 1990s, Marathas were not interested in reservation. But, after the Mandal Commission gave 27 per cent reservation to OBCs, Marathas started feeling left out in jobs and education. A few years later, they began demanding reservation. This, despite Marathas holding power in the state for many years. In fact, most of Maharashtra’s CMs have been from the Maratha community.
The Brahmin community, which Fadnavis belongs to, is numerically small and has little voting power.
For leaders like Ajit and Ekanth, who are Marathas, supporting the community makes political sense. Even Bhujbal, though an OBC leader, has stayed away from challenging the protest.
This puts Fadnavis in a tough spot. As a Brahmin leader, he does not have the caste support or protection that many other politicians enjoy. It is no surprise that Fadnavis has become the easiest target for Jarange’s campaign, especially when the CMs own allies are not coming out openly in his support.
The fight over Maratha reservation is not just about rules or policy, it is also about public perception, caste numbers and political messaging. Politics has always been about stories and narratives, not just maths. Today, Jarange has skilfully crafted the image of Fadnavis being anti-Maratha, a Brahmin blocking their
reservation dreams.
On August 28, a day before Jarange commenced his indefinite hunger strike in Mumbai, the OBC leaders warned of a parallel stir in Mumbai if their quota is altered. To which, Fadnavis made it amply clear that while doing justice to the Maratha community, injustice will not be done to other communities (read as other communities’ reservation quota will not be affected).
The reservation demand from the Maratha community and OBCs opposing is turning this into a big political and social issue. What happens next will not only decide the future of the reservation, but also Fadnavis’s political hold in Maharashtra.
Sanjeev Shivadekar is political editor, mid-day. He tweets @SanjeevShivadek
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The views expressed in this column are the individual’s and don’t represent those of the paper
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